A new security plan for Tripoli started on Sunday amid a cautious atmosphere and continued attacks on the army. Will the plan succeed this time, or will it meet the same fate as its predecessors?
With the exception of a homemade explosive device that the security services dismantled near the municipal stadium in Tripoli, no major incident occurred in Tripoli on Sunday. But despite the decision of the so-called alleyway commanders – the leaders of the various militant groups in Tripoli’s impoverished neighborhoods – to abide by a truce, apprehension reigns in the northern city.
Despite the rumors, the implementation of the security plan started with the army and security services preventing the public display of arms by militants, confiscating weapons caches, and arresting wanted individuals.
Prior to the beginning of the implementation of the plan on Sunday, the army had completed all logistical preparations, and brought in additional reinforcements. But the districts of Tripoli that were most impacted by the plan, such as Bab al-Tabbaneh and Jabal Mohsen, were in a state of disarray.
The army deployed to Jabal Mohsen first as planned, before gradually spreading out across the neighborhoods of Baqar, Bab al-Tabbaneh, and then the rest of Tripoli. This fueled rumors that had started on Friday, claiming that “something unusual was happening” in Jabal Mohsen – with the army stepping up its presence around the home of the leader of the Alawi-dominated Arab Democratic Party, Rifaat Eid, and proceeding to apprehend wanted suspects, reportedly including the commander of the Masharfeh area in Jabal Mohsen.
Another rumor held that former MP Ali Eid and his son Rifaat, in addition to several other individuals wanted by the authorities, had left Jabal Mohsen to Syria, though officials in the area denied these reports. Other sources, however, confirmed that Eid and his son were both no longer in Jabal Mohsen as of Friday evening, saying that Rifaat Eid had dined in Zgharta on Friday night before he and a number of his associates left for Syria.
Al-Akhbar tried to contact Rifaat Eid repeatedly but to no avail. Ali Feddah, a member of Eid’s party’s political bureau, claimed that Rifaat was still in Jabal Mohsen, but that he was not answering calls because he is currently preoccupied with other matters. Feddah said that Rifaat’s father, Ali Eid, has indeed not been to Jabal Mohsen in a long time, claiming that his absence had nothing to do with any recent security incidents.
Meanwhile, sources said that the majority of wanted individuals in Jabal Mohsen have fled to Syria, as part of an unofficial settlement whereby those who refuse to turn themselves in go into hiding, because a battle with the army would be costly and would have no political cover from anyone.
However, the same sources explained that the wanted militants in Bab al-Tabbaneh have found themselves in a big predicament, saying that while the fugitives in Jabal Mohsen found refuge in Syria, their counterparts in Bab al-Tabbaneh have no similar safe haven outside Lebanon.
In recent days, a large number of militants and wanted individuals were reported to have stored their weapons and left Bab al-Tabbaneh and Tripoli altogether.
Observers believe that the confusion miring Bab al-Tabbaneh is related to the militants’ belief that the new security plan is different this time. The militants are concerned about what might happen to them, especially after Justice Minister Ashraf Rifi declared in a televised interview that “We are in a favorable regional and international position to end the cycle of violence in Tripoli,” adding that the security plan is balanced and that all political forces had endorsed it.
The same observers predicted that compromises would be made with the alleyway commanders, with the exception of some “Islamist hot-heads,” pointing out that the Future Movement had also endorsed the plan. Observers argued that most alleyway commanders would be granted some kind of immunity, because if they were to be arrested, they could name the politicians who support and finance them, which would cause huge scandals.
Successive developments have prompted the majority of militant commanders outside Jabal Mohsen to agree to the security plan, but without hiding the concerns they have expressed during meetings held almost every day since the plan was announced. These meetings have taken place in Bab al-Tabbaneh and other districts, mostly away from prying eyes, such as the meeting held in the office of Sheikh Salem al-Rifai, which was attended by most alleyway commanders as well as clerics and figures concerned with the plan.
Sources close to the attendees said certain political and security leaders were reached out to in order to overcome some obstacles, adding that security officials confirmed they would not enter the areas in question with overwhelming force. However, they affirmed that they would not be lenient with those who initiate an armed confrontation with them either.
The participants in the meetings concluded that the implementation of the security plan was an irreversible decision that was made according to local and regional “signals.” However, the participants stressed the need to deal prudently with groups that no one can influence, such as the ones affiliated to al-Qaeda sympathizers. Important figures from Tripoli noted that these groups have threatened to push back against the army and stop it from entering their strongholds in Bab al-Tabbaneh, which could implicate them and other groups in a battle.
On the ground, acting Director-General of the Internal Security Forces (ISF), Major General Ibrahim Basbous, visited the Serail in Tripoli on Sunday to coordinate the security plan. He met with the commander of the northern region in the ISF General Mahmoud Annan and the commander of the Tripoli division General Bassam al-Ayyoubi, in addition to other security officials in North Lebanon.
This article is an edited translation from the Arabic Edition.
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